“No Education, No Life,” a Review of Jay Gillen’s
Educating for Insurgency: The Roles of Young People in Schools
of Poverty
By Paul Lauter
“I did not enjoy high school much because my work in the Algebra
Project taught me that I was not receiving the quality education I deserved. So
each day I waited for the bell so I could leave and work in the program, where
I learned so much more. I began organizing in high school and was nearly
expelled for organizing a student strike. . . . most of my focus in high school
was on organizing students to speak out, to demonstrate and demand quality
education.” --Chris Goodman. (“No Justice No Life: Brian Jones Kicks it
with Chris Goodman of the Baltimore Algebra Project,” Posted in Article Link, August
3, 2009.)
(This review was written before the events that have made
“Baltimore” a symbol of racial tyranny and political malfeasance. It is not,
therefore, focused on police violence nor responses to the killing of Freddie
Gray and so many other black men. It presents, rather, a project designed to
help empower students in schools of poverty--not on the specious theory that
educational institutions can by themselves overcome discrimination,
marginalization, and poverty, but because schools can, and must, be part of the
solution rather than continuing to be part of the problem.)
Much of the debate going on in educational circles today
concerns differing ideas about how to accomplish certain agreed-upon goals.
Mainly these consist of the 3 R’s—reading, riting and rithmatic—with a touch
perhaps of American history, whether seen through the lens of Selma or of
Mountain View. Some wish to provide teachers with greater scope, better
resources, and fewer students in the classroom. Others, the multimillion dollar
“reformers,” promote a regime of ceaseless testing, managerial authority,
privatization, and “teacher-proof” curricula. But suppose you conclude, based
on observing the thousands of segregated Ferguson, Missouris, and Baltimore,
Marylands throughout the USA, that the huge number of students in schools of
poverty are ill-served by these very goals, that poor, often black and Latino,
students, even if they pass every test and climb in to community colleges, will
never—a few tokens aside—get an even break in 21st-century America.
What then? Can the goals of schooling themselves be transformed? Can schools
become sites not of failure and exclusion, but of insurgency and
transformation? Can the young people now marginalized, enraged, and trapped in
disastrous institutions become agents of creativity and growth—and real
learning?
Such questions lie at the core of Jay Gillen’s essential book, Educating for Insurgency: The Roles
of Young People in Schools of Poverty. I use the full title of
Gillen’s book because, unlike most of what is being written today, it shifts
focus from the adults fighting about schooling to the students themselves as
the key actors in their own education. The question Gillen addresses is how
might we think about the ways students can, indeed must, organize themselves,
those close to them, and the many others with whom they must contend for a
future. His approach is not to address the question always on a teacher’s
mind—what do I do Monday?—but to propose a theory about how change and
education could and already do take place even in, or perhaps especially in,
schools of poverty. This book is not a manual for classroom management but a
treatise on education, democracy, and hope.
At the center of Gillen’s treatise is his and his students’
experience with one of the three r’s, rithmatic, in the form of the Algebra
Project. The Algebra Project was first devised by Bob Moses, a key figure in
the efforts of the young organizers of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating
Committee (SNCC) to challenge and eliminate racial segregation in its most
intransigent bastion, Mississippi, in the 1950s and 1960s. The Baltimore
version of the Project has been highly successful, even in this society’s
financial terms: students working in it have earned $2 million dollars over the
last ten years “sharing math knowledge” (p. 140). It has also provided what
Gillen calls a “crawl space” wherein students begin to learn how to mobilize
the organizational resources necessary to confront the school boards,
politicians, courts that stand in the way of their educational development.
Educational and political authorities who see math as vital to 21st-century
schooling are willing to provide money, some, to those who succeed in teaching
it, and they interfere less with the process. As Gillen puts it, “Math hides
the student insurgency as it learns how to walk.” In this way it differs from
the admirable Mexican-American Studies program in Tucson, which was banned by
Arizona lawmakers despite--or perhaps because of--its success in motivating and
educating students to confront injustice.
A project seriously devoted to teaching math is insulated
against the charge sometimes registered against radical education projects that
they are indifferent to students of poverty learning the basics. Mathematical
knowledge is, of course, a goal of the Algebra Project, just as the vote was
the goal of SNCC organizing in Mississippi. The brilliant analogy between voter
registration and learning algebra in school, which Gillen has derived from Bob
Moses’ work, is apt, first, because young people are key to implementation. But
for two other reasons as well: one, both are directed to changing oppressive
institutions, the segregated political system in the 1960s, and the segregated
school system today. And, two, both the vote and mathematical literacy are
necessary to full citizenship in the technologically-driven 21st
century. To vote in Mississippi of 1964 and to be able to deploy math knowledge
today are important goals in themselves, to be sure. But their importance
derives as much from the sense of empowerment their achievement provides,
especially to those who must press through the institutional barriers to such accomplishments.
Empowerment—not test-taking—is what Gillen’s book, the Algebra Project, and
real education are about. To put it a bit differently, “As with voting rights,
the point is to encourage students to begin to demand—of themselves and of the
system—what society claims they don’t want” [Jessica T. Wahman, “’Fleshing Out
Consensus’: Radical Pragmatism, Civil Rights, and the Algebra Project,” Education and Culture
25 (1) (2009), 11.]
Reading the dialogues among Gillen’s students we get a sense of
their mathematical literacy, as well as a challenge to older folks who likely
do not have it. Mathematical literacy has to do not with the capacity to fill
in bubbles on high stakes tests, but with the ability to solve ever-new
problems on one’s own and, most important, to teach your knowledge to younger
students, as Algebra Project instructors do. But underlying the Project is a
more fundamental goal:
What we seek to encourage, however, is the methodical rehearsal
of roles that emphasize the collective purposes of the troupe, acts that
self-consciously grow through demands on self and peers toward demands on a
larger society. The educational system does not serve the students’ purposes
now. They must learn to use the crawl spaces we make available to them to prepare
for organized acts that will render that system unworkable, and compel change.
(p. 132)
This passage highlights two important elements of Gillen’s book.
First, it is couched in the language of theater: “rehearsal,” “roles,”
“troupe,” “acts,” and the like. Indeed, Gillen develops an extended analogy
between the classroom and the theater. He contrasts the kind of education he is
encouraging, which he describes as a “dramatistic approach to education,” to
the “technocratic approach” (p. 121) which characterizes most of today’s
schooling, with its emphasis on grading, indeed monetizing, students, teachers,
and even schools. This is not simply a clever metaphor. Gillen points, first,
to the importance to the development of young people of trying out roles for
themselves and in relation to peers and adults. “For adolescents, nothing is
more important than trying on personas and rehearsing roles. They do this
whether they are permitted to do it or not” (p. 132). When it isn’t permitted,
their actions are generally construed as “acting out,” which is seen by
authorities as a, perhaps the, major problem of students in
schools of poverty—indeed in the streets of America’s towns and cities. It is
met in both venues by repression, arrest, and, all too often, violence. In such
dramas, hierarchies and the roles they demand are already defined, too often by
the uniform, on the one hand, and skin color, on the other. Gillen’s work is to
read students’ acts differently, not merely as insurrectionary, or childish,
disruptions needing to be controlled, but as expressions of discontent with an
authoritarian and unresponsive system, efforts to enter into more vital
interactions with peers, teachers, and authorities. That involves, in practice,
a more welcoming and interactive pedagogical style, which Gillen illustrates,
and underlying it, a theory of classroom communications, which he develops at
some length.
Classroom events, he theorizes, are usefully understood in
dramatic rather than legalistic terms. As in a play, classrooms are domains in
which people interact, change in relationship one to another. Legalistic terms
trap and define people into particular, inflexible roles: e.g., there is the
perpetrator, the policeman, the teacher, the witness, the principal, the judge,
and so forth. People are able to act only within the definitions these roles
impose. In dramatic terms, as in life, roles can shift, dissolve, open into new
definitions: the perp becomes a baffled and enraged child reaching out for hope
or at least solace; the cop becomes a slightly older, no less angry youngster
acting out if not for solace or hope at least for strength. Legalistically,
each has a set of predetermined lines that lead to a much-too-well-rehearsed
denouement, often gunfire. Dramatically, the subtexts can be heard and
responded to and the action creatively recast. The student learns to be the
teacher; the teacher emerges as an accomplice; the judge is judged, or becomes
a witness to actions for transformation.
In working out this theory of classroom action, Gillen draws
creatively on the work of Kenneth Burke, especially his books A Grammar of Motives
(1945) and A Rhetoric of
Motives (1950). I was myself startled to see the work of Burke,
until the last few years long out of fashion—and also of William Empson on
pastoral and W.K. Wimsatt on the “counterlogical”—evoked in a book at some
level about teaching mathematics. In fact, some of the most persuasive sections
of Gillen’s book are his readings of scenes and characters from King Lear and As You Like It.
Through those readings, using concepts derived from pastoral and courtship, he
recasts the drama of the classroom.
Built into the long quotation I cited above is also another kind
of theory, one having to do with the process of organizing for change: “acts
that self-consciously grow through demands on self and peers toward demands on
a larger society.” Those familiar with instances of radical change will
recognize the sequence, if not precisely the language. What is being proposed
is analogous to Gandhian Satyagraha, or the non-violent direct action
associated with M.L. King and, differently, A.J. Muste. Gillen formulates the
process with some care: “Demand on yourself. Demand on your peers. Demand on
the larger society. This is an ordered series: the first is prerequisite to the
second, the second is prerequisite to the third. . . . attempts to change the
unjust arrangements of a society will be crushed unless the insurgents have
developed a discipline that can withstand the oppressor’s attempts to fracture
their unity and weaken their organization” (p. 125). One begins with
self-discipline, with the willingness to undertake tasks, like registering to
vote in McComb, Mississippi, or participating seriously in inner-city Baltimore
schools, that are necessary and potentially dangerous. But one cannot move to
the next stage without undertaking the first oneself: one cannot propose to
others that they register to vote or come to school regularly and put time and
effort into learning, without attempting it oneself.
Such change requires forcefully addressing the larger society,
but as Gillen is quick to point out, “it is not the demand on the larger
society, but the demand on peers that is the beginning of political action. The
language ‘demand on peers’ is unfamiliar. But it is another way of saying
‘self-government’ or ‘democracy’” (p. 127). Gillen is not arguing, of course,
that schools or, indeed, American politics are in this or most other senses
“democratic.” As he quotes Vincent Harding, “we are practitioners in an
educational system that does not yet exist.” The problem is developing an
understanding of how the “educational system does not serve the students’
purpose now” and a practice (to return to our original quotation)—“that will
render the system unworkable, and compel change” (p. 132).
What you want to “render . . . unworkable” is, among other
matters, the systematic starvation of public education, particularly in schools
that serve poor and working class students. Courts order the State to provide
adequate funding to the Baltimore schools, for example, but when that funding
is not forthcoming, Baltimore Algebra Project activists demonstrate, march on
Annapolis, engage in a hunger strike, carry out “die-ins” at meetings of school
authorities. They stage direct actions to extend student bus tickets to 8 p.m.
so that all can participate in the math tutoring central to the Project’s work.
They organize against police violence—no small matter as we know in Baltimore
and elsewhere—and put forward alternative narratives to those offered by the
powers that be. They teach algebra successfully to younger students but also
develop sessions on public speaking, civil disobedience, organizing tactics and
the other skills necessary for pursuing their goals in the public arena. Their
goals are not only teaching mathematics but demanding quality education as a
“Constitutional Right,” no less important than the ballot.
I have quoted extensively from Gillen’s text partly to provide a
sense to readers of the clarity of his prose. But partly, too, because—as the
last sentence in the paragraph I have cited indicates—Gillen’s goals need to be
seen for what they are: not the tinkering around the edges that might elevate a
few students’ math test scores by some fraction, but as a radical (to the root)
transformation of the system now in place to “educate” students of poverty.
Gillen does not argue that public schools are somehow failing. To the
contrary, he insists that “Schools for young people in poverty are marvelously
successful at teaching about the scarcity of resources, arbitrariness of
authority, and shunting of joy to the peripheries that characterize the society
they are actually growing up into” (p. 134). The purposes of such schools is
not especially learning, or rather the learning has to do with accepting
particular forms of authority and power, accepting (even with rage) particular
and limited stations in life, most of all accepting that it is your own
limitations and not a system of hierarchy and privilege that defines your life
chances (p. 89). We might wish to evoke here some of the conversation between
Augustine and Alfred St. Clare in Uncle Tom’s Cabin: says Alfred: “’the
lower class must not be educated.’ ‘That is past praying for,’ said Augustine;
‘educated they will be, and we have only to say how. Our system is educating
them in barbarism and brutality.’” What Augustine does not see, of course, is
the contravening education provided within the society of slaves, and he
expresses the fear of white liberal society at what slavery was teaching its
victims. But his point is nevertheless useful: however they may be failing in
terms of orthodox educational yields, schools of poverty certainly do
teach, and the students do learn those social meanings. That is surely
one of the implications of Ferguson.
But students are not merely the victims of a perverse
system that places them in a school to prison pipeline. They are, in fact,
crucial players in the dramas of the classroom and any discussion that omits
them—and most do--will miss the point. But can or even should students—and
particularly students in schools of poverty—be thought about as change agents?
Gillen’s answer begins, as does his book, with the reflection that,
historically, it was often young people of color who carried through
abolitionist activities against slavery, as well as the heroic efforts to
disrupt segregation in the American South during the 1950s and 1960s. The young
people who sat in at lunch counters in Greensboro, who marched in and to Montgomery,
who went from house to house in rural Mississippi may provide answers to the
question.
But are such historical models relevant? One might point as well
to the disappeared students from the Raúl Isidro Burgos Rural Teachers' College
of Ayotzinapa. Or the American draft and GI resisters of the Vietnam era. Or
the women and girls of Redstockings or the earlier Bread and Roses strike. The
question is sometimes posed as “how old should a child be to participate in
activities for change?” That’s a reasonable question, particularly in an era in
which children’s futures are being reshaped, some would say distorted, by a
variety of political efforts to control schools and privatize their budgets.
But perhaps the real question might better be formulated thus: what can young
people, even very young people, learn by undertaking the kind of program
Gillen proposes? As my epigraph suggests, his three-part sequence—place demands
on yourself, on your peers, and on the larger society—entails a considerable
learning process. One learns not only algebra but about the society and its
politics, and not just from books and classroom curricula but from engaging in
actions to change things. One learns, too, about one’s own power within a
society, about the uses of language, about the critical tensions in American
culture between individual advancement and shared progress. One learns, perhaps
most of all, about the schools themselves, their crucial role in the
implementation of the ideas of democracy, and the differences between
organizing schools to train a docile workforce and organizing them to develop
an informed citizenship, organizing them to enrich the few and organizing them
to unshackle the many.
The importance of Gillen’s book can perhaps be seen most
usefully by placing it in the context of the opt out movement. The movement to
opt students out of high stakes tests is not, from one point of view, a
“radical” crusade: most of those who have been active in it would probably not
see it as a challenge to American capitalism, though it has the potential, I
think, to undermine the authority of the “reformers.” It is, first and
foremost, a brilliantly conceived act of civil disobedience. A comment on Diane
Ravitch’s blog suggests its possibilities: “The students have the power and the
means to squash the test.” Were that to happen in any significant measure, the
impact on the effort to impose a capitalist model on schools in America, which
have heretofore been governed in quite another way, would be profound. That is
true because the “reformers” have hung their hopes on testing as the
pivotal instrument of change. To be sure, they have tried to privatize public
schools into money-making charters; they have tried to break teachers’ unions;
they have promoted the authority of managers over that of the people who do the
actual work of teaching; above all, they have depended on the unspoken ability
of capitalism to overturn all settled relations of labor and control. That
effort has been almost entirely negative: it argues that schooling in America
is broken and must be replaced, one way or another. Only then will . . . well,
test scores go up. That then becomes the be-all and end-all. In the final
analysis only significantly improved test scores can make a case premised on .
. . improved test scores. “To squash the test” is thus to cut the legs from
under the effort to change the schools from above. Those who live by the test
will die by the test.
Gillen’s strategy, like that of the opt out movement, is to
“render the system unworkable.” But what he offers in the place of disruption
and test scores is learning rooted in the empowerment of students. The idea is
not to train students to fill in bubbles but to teach them algebra and
geometry, as well as how power operates, how poetry means, and how schools and
communities can be changed. But most of all, it is to teach them democracy. It
is not that schools in America or elsewhere have ever been democratic; they
are, after all, organized around the hierarchy of one or more adults and younger
children. But as students learn by placing demands on self, then on others, and
ultimately on the society, they are learning, too, the practice of democracy,
which is finally a system in which the critical decisions about a community’s
institutions are made by all the members of the community and not by
absentee governors, self-appointed philanthropists, or affluent testing
agencies.
To say this another way, the conflict over the schools is really
a conflict about the future of America. Are our schools and communities to be
ruled by the 1% and the politicians and bureaucrats they buy? Or by the 99%,
who may not know algebra but who know what the “reforms” imposed on them and
their children really add up to.
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